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Britain and Jordan: Imperial Strategy, King Abdullah I and the Zionist Movement (Library Of Modern Middle East Studies #20120330)

In the wake of the establishment of the State of Israel in 1948, it has often been alleged thatKing Abdullah I of Jordan and the Zionist movements colluded to partition Mandate Palestinebetween them, while Great Britain, the retreating imperial power, gave them tacit approval to do so. Here, Tancred Bradshaw challenges these allegations, looking at the complex and oftenstrained relations between the emerging states of Jordan, Israel and the at first hegemonic, and then crumbling, British Empire.The creation of a viable state in Jordan was a rare British imperial success story in the Middle East that was achieved against the odds. Britain's interests in Jordan were defined by imperial strategy and the requirement to exert their influence in Jordan on the cheap. The reasons as to why Jordan remains a stable hereditary monarchy can be found in the ways in which the British laid the foundations during King Abdullah's rule. Examining the relationships between the British, King Abdullah I and the Jewish Agency between 1921 and 1951, Britain and Jordan covers the crucial years from the establishment of British mandates in the region, its period of rule and the eventual fall of empire and decolonisation. Bradshaw develops a nuanced picture of the strategic and diplomatic considerations at play, as King Abdullah I, the Zionist founders of Israel and the British through men such as Sir Alec Kirkbride and the infamous General Sir John Glubb, all vied to play a central and critical role in carving out what was to be the modernstates of Israel and Jordan.Using a wide range of primary sources which have previously been largely ignored, Britain and Jordan offers an essential re-examination of the relationships which were to shape the Middle East as it exists today. It thus contains vital analysis for anyone involved in the study of the Middle East, its politics and history, as well as the demise of Britain's empire in the region.

Britain and Joseph Chamberlain

After all the endeavours that combined to make Britain the first great industrial nation, that dominant position was then relinquished. Joseph Chamberlain (1836-1914), the driven and self-made Birmingham businessman who shifted his energies formidably into politics, might have appeared to be one leader well equipped to help Britain stay competitive in the global race for economic growth. But, as Michael Balfour suggests in this absorbing study, Chamberlain's personality and temperament were not suited to the challenge. Determined always to have his way, animated by 'the business man's love of getting things done', Chamberlain lacked the gift of persuasion and made enemies too well, it being his unique achievement to split both major parties in the space of twenty years. Had it been possible for one man to arrest Britain's slackening growth then that man, Balfour contends, was not the erstwhile 'Radical Joe.'

Britain and Joseph Chamberlain (Routledge Revivals)

First Published in 1985 Britain and Joseph Chamberlain is not simply the first biography of Joseph Chamberlain to be written from a radical standpoint but also an exercise in ‘counter -history’. What difference might it have made if Ireland had been set on the road to self-government in 1886, if the reforms of the 1906 Liberal Government had been enacted before 1890 and if it had fallen to a government of the left to handle the Boers? All these possibilities were ruled out when Chamberlain, in a fit of personal animosity, broke with Gladstone over Home Rule. He probably also thereby removed the last chance of the Labour Party growing out of the Liberal Party instead of competing with it for progressive votes, and so facilitating the Conservative domination of politics between 1922-1940. Professor Balfour on the other hand does not believe that, even if Chamberlain had remained a radical and become Prime Minister, he would have been able to arrest Britain’s slackening growth. This book is an important historical document for scholars of British history.

Britain and Joseph Chamberlain (Routledge Revivals)

First Published in 1985 Britain and Joseph Chamberlain is not simply the first biography of Joseph Chamberlain to be written from a radical standpoint but also an exercise in ‘counter -history’. What difference might it have made if Ireland had been set on the road to self-government in 1886, if the reforms of the 1906 Liberal Government had been enacted before 1890 and if it had fallen to a government of the left to handle the Boers? All these possibilities were ruled out when Chamberlain, in a fit of personal animosity, broke with Gladstone over Home Rule. He probably also thereby removed the last chance of the Labour Party growing out of the Liberal Party instead of competing with it for progressive votes, and so facilitating the Conservative domination of politics between 1922-1940. Professor Balfour on the other hand does not believe that, even if Chamberlain had remained a radical and become Prime Minister, he would have been able to arrest Britain’s slackening growth. This book is an important historical document for scholars of British history.

Britain and Latin America in the 19th and 20th Centuries

The first full-length survey of Britain's role in Latin America as a whole from the early 1800s to the 1950s, when influence in the region passed to the United States. Rory Miller examines the reasons for the rise and decline of British influence, and reappraises its impact on the Latin American states. Did it, as often claimed, circumscribe their political autonomy and inhibit their economic development? This sustained case study of imperialism and dependency will have an interest beyond Latin American specialists alone.

Britain and Latin America in the 19th and 20th Centuries

The first full-length survey of Britain's role in Latin America as a whole from the early 1800s to the 1950s, when influence in the region passed to the United States. Rory Miller examines the reasons for the rise and decline of British influence, and reappraises its impact on the Latin American states. Did it, as often claimed, circumscribe their political autonomy and inhibit their economic development? This sustained case study of imperialism and dependency will have an interest beyond Latin American specialists alone.

Britain and The Netherlands: Volume VII Church and State Since the Reformation Papers Delivered to the Seventh Anglo-Dutch Historical Conference

The theme chosen for the seventh conference of Dutch and British historians - relations between Church and State in the two countries since the Reformation - cannot pretend to any originality. A subject so germane to the history of Europe, and indeed of those parts of the world colonized by Europeans and evangelized by the Christian churches, has naturally attracted the attention of numerous scholars. The particular attraction of this study of the action and reaction of Church and State in Britain and the Netherlands lies in the scope it offers historians and political scientists for making comparisons be­ tween two states, both of which endorsed the Protestant Reformation while rejecting absolutism. But the dissimilarities are quite as striking. In the Netherlands the Reformed Church came to hold a curiously equivocal position, being neither an established Church in the English sense nor an independent sect. Yet even after the formal separation of Church and State in 1796 and the rise to political prominence of Dutch Catholicism, ties of sentiment continued to link the Dutch nation and the Reformed Church for some time to come. Within England the Anglican Church maintained its constitutional standing as the established Church and its social position as the Church of the 'Establishment', though it had to recognize a non-episcopal estab­ lished Church of Scotland and accept its disestablishment in Ireland and Wales.

Britain and Norway in Europe Since 1945: Outsiders

This book examines Britain and Norway in Europe from 1945 through to the former's departure from the European Union in 2020. It compares their European relations and investigates their bilateral relationship within the contexts of security, trade and, above all, European integration. Britain and Norway are outsiders in Europe, and they have both been sceptical of the continental federalist approach to European integration. The question of membership itself has been highly controversial in both countries: the public has been divided on the issue; it has plagued political parties and governments; and prime ministers have resigned over European issues. This book explores why these countries have struggled so deeply with the idea of Europe since 1945, and looks ahead to how the relationship between Britain and Norway might develop after Brexit.

Britain And The Origins Of The First World War (PDF)

How and why did Britain become involved in the First World War? Taking into account the scholarship of the last twenty-five years, this second edition of Zara S. Steiner's classic study, thoroughly revised with Keith Neilson, explores a subject which is as highly contentious as ever. While retaining the basic argument that Britain went to war in 1914 not as a result of internal pressures but as a response to external events, Steiner and Neilson reject recent arguments that Britain became involved because of fears of an 'invented' German menace, or to defend her Empire. Instead, placing greater emphasis than before on the role of Russia, the authors convincingly argue that Britain entered the war in order to preserve the European balance of power and the nation's favourable position within it. Lucid and comprehensive, Britain and the Origins of the First World War brings together the bureaucratic, diplomatic, economic, strategical and ideological factors that led to Britain's entry into the Great War, and remains the most complete survey of the pre-war situation.

Britain and the American Revolution

This is the first modern study to focus on the British dimension of the American Revolution through its whole span from its origins to the declaration of independence in 1776 and its aftermath. It is written by nine leading British and American scholars who explore many key issues including the problems governing the American colonies, Britain's diplomatic isolation in Europe over the war, the impact of the American crisis on Ireland and the consequences for Britain of the loss of America.

Britain and the American Revolution

This is the first modern study to focus on the British dimension of the American Revolution through its whole span from its origins to the declaration of independence in 1776 and its aftermath. It is written by nine leading British and American scholars who explore many key issues including the problems governing the American colonies, Britain's diplomatic isolation in Europe over the war, the impact of the American crisis on Ireland and the consequences for Britain of the loss of America.

Britain and the Americas [3 volumes]: Culture, Politics, and History [3 volumes] (Transatlantic Relations)

A comprehensive encyclopedia covering the close ties between Britain and the whole of the Americas, examining Britain's cultural and political legacy to the nations of the New World.From Vikings to redcoats, from the Beatles to the war in Iraq, Britain and the Americas examines Britain's cultural and political legacy to the nations of the Americas. This comprehensive survey also traces how the Americas have in turn influenced contemporary Britain from the Americanization of language and politics to the impact of music and migration from the West Indies. Complete with an extensive introduction and a chronology of key events, this three-volume encyclopedia contains introductory essays focusing on the four prime areas of British Atlantic engagement—Canada, the Caribbean, the United States, and Latin America.Students of a wide range of disciplines, as well as the lay reader, will appreciate this exhaustive survey, which traces the common themes of British policy and influence throughout the Americas and highlights how Britain has in turn benefited from the influence of American democracy, technology, culture and politics.

Britain and the Arab-Israeli Conflict, 1948-51 (St Antony's Series)

In an analysis of Britain's policy towards Palestine in the post-mandatory era, the author examines the circumstances which led to the formulation of Britain's policy - the partition of mandatory Palestine between Israel and Jordan - and the stages of its implementation. A major theme emerges: that Britain's Middle East policy was a function of two main features: Britain's close alliance with Transjordan; and its pragmatic adaptability to developments in the area. Based on primary sources made available only recently in British, Israeli and American archives, the book offers new insights into a policy which was to have far reaching-effects.

Britain and the Arab Middle East: World War I and its Aftermath

The profound effects of the British Empire's actions in the Arab World during the First World War can be seen echoing through the history of the 20th century. The uprising sparked by the Husayn-McMahon correspondence and led by 'Lawrence of Arabia'; the Sykes-Picot agreement which undermined that rebellion; and memoranda such as the Balfour Declaration all have shaped the Middle East into forms which would have been unrecognizable to the diplomats of the 19th century. Undertaken during the First 'World' War, these actions were not part of a coordinated British strategy, but in fact directed by several overlapping and competing departments, some imperfectly referred to as the 'Arab Bureau'. The British and the Middle East is unique in its comprehensive treatment of how and why the British generals and diplomats acted as they did.

Britain and the Arab Middle East: World War I and its Aftermath

The profound effects of the British Empire's actions in the Arab World during the First World War can be seen echoing through the history of the 20th century. The uprising sparked by the Husayn-McMahon correspondence and led by 'Lawrence of Arabia'; the Sykes-Picot agreement which undermined that rebellion; and memoranda such as the Balfour Declaration all have shaped the Middle East into forms which would have been unrecognizable to the diplomats of the 19th century. Undertaken during the First 'World' War, these actions were not part of a coordinated British strategy, but in fact directed by several overlapping and competing departments, some imperfectly referred to as the 'Arab Bureau'. The British and the Middle East is unique in its comprehensive treatment of how and why the British generals and diplomats acted as they did. By taking as his starting point the voluminous, contradictory and revealing records of the policy-makers in the British government, Robert H. Lieshout shows convincingly that many concerned with foreign policy making were quite oblivious to the history and complexities of the Islamic World.Covering the full sweep of British involvement in Arabia, Lieshout makes a lasting contribution to our understanding of the period in which the British Empire changed the world, and shows how shallow and confused the understanding of those that shaped the future of the Middle East really was.

Britain and the Armenian Question: 1915-1923 (Routledge Revivals)

First published in 1984 Britain and the Armenian Question examines the direction, changes, and ramifications of British policy towards Armenia during 1915 to 1923. The author has made extensive use of parliamentary papers and those of the Cabinet, Foreign Office, War Office and India office as well as documents produced by pro- Armenian groups during the period. This material is used to build up a detailed and incontrovertible study of British policy, which shows the extent to which it was governed by self-interest even when support for Armenia was its most altruistic. Once Britain secured predominance in the Persian Gulf, she lost all her interest in Armenian territory and the dilemma was posed when the war ended: not only did she no longer need Armenia but also had to decide who to support in Russia. Armenia lost out on all sides and was compelled eventually to adapt herself to the policies of the surrounding countries. This is an interesting read for scholars and researchers of international relations and international political history.

Britain and the Armenian Question: 1915-1923 (Routledge Revivals)

First published in 1984 Britain and the Armenian Question examines the direction, changes, and ramifications of British policy towards Armenia during 1915 to 1923. The author has made extensive use of parliamentary papers and those of the Cabinet, Foreign Office, War Office and India office as well as documents produced by pro- Armenian groups during the period. This material is used to build up a detailed and incontrovertible study of British policy, which shows the extent to which it was governed by self-interest even when support for Armenia was its most altruistic. Once Britain secured predominance in the Persian Gulf, she lost all her interest in Armenian territory and the dilemma was posed when the war ended: not only did she no longer need Armenia but also had to decide who to support in Russia. Armenia lost out on all sides and was compelled eventually to adapt herself to the policies of the surrounding countries. This is an interesting read for scholars and researchers of international relations and international political history.

Britain and the Bomb: Nuclear Diplomacy, 1964-1970 (Stanford Nuclear Age Series)

Drawing on primary sources from both sides of the Atlantic, Britain and the Bomb explores how economic, political, and strategic considerations have shaped British nuclear diplomacy. The book concentrates on Prime Minister Harold Wilson's first two terms of office, 1964-1970, which represent a critical period in international nuclear history. Wilson's commitment to the Non-Proliferation Treaty and his support for continued investment in the British nuclear weapons program, despite serious economic and political challenges, established precedents that still influence policymakers today. The continued independence of Britain's nuclear force, and the enduring absence of a German or European deterrent, certainly owes a debt to Wilson's handling of nuclear diplomacy more than four decades ago. Beyond highlighting the importance of this period, the book explains how and why British nuclear diplomacy evolved during Wilson's leadership. Cabinet discussions, financial crises, and international tensions encouraged a degree of flexibility in the pursuit of strategic independence and the creation of a non-proliferation treaty. Gill shows us that British nuclear diplomacy was a series of compromises, an intricate blend of political, economic, and strategic considerations.

Britain and the Cinema in the Second World War

The essays which appear in this book for the most part originated as papers delivered at a conference on Britain and the cinema in the Second World War held in London in May 1985.

Britain and the Cold War: 1945 as Geopolitical Transition (History and Politics in the 20th Century: Bloomsbury Academic)

In 1945 Britain emerged from the Second World War exhausted and debilitated, but still a major global power, with enormous strategic commitments, imperial responsibilities and a sense of historical destiny as a major economic and political influence. This book charts how this role and self-image changed and how abruptly in 1945 the United States assumed Britain's mantle of world leader. Taylor provides an alternative interpretation of how the Cold War arose, and how the reordering of the global economic, political and strategic system in the post-war world came about. It is essential reading for political geographers, historians, international relations experts and political scientists.

Britain and the Commonwealth Alliance, 1918-39 (Cambridge Commonwealth Series)

Britain and the Confrontation with Indonesia, 1960-66

The confrontation with Indonesia cut to the heart of Britain's desire to retain global power status in the 1960s and was central to decolonisation and British defence policy across South-East Asia. Factors such as the need to maintain a military base in Singapore and protect newly established Malaysia, drove strategy and made this a major commitment - close at times to escalating into full-scale regional war.However, 'the Confrontation' was not recorded as a conflict of this scale, and Britain was cast into only a passive and defensive role. Here, David Easter reveals a radically different view, persuasively making the case that Britain waged a secret war against President Sukarno's Indonesia - supporting rebel groups, spreading propaganda and carrying out clandestine cross-border raids so as to protect her regional and international interests. It was the covert nature of operations and the deliberate decision of British policy-makers to keep the full extent of this conflict away from public scrutiny that has allowed it to be obscured in the annals of history.

Britain and the Congo Crisis, 1960–63

Based on interviews and on documentary collections in Britain, Sweden and the US, this book describes and analyses Britain's often-tortured response to the crisis which occurred in Congo immediately following its independence. Principally, it throws much fresh light on British policy. But it also examines the impact of the crisis on Britain's status as a great power; reveals important new material about the UN's conduct of its peacekeeping operation in the Congo; and draws lessons about the conduct of contemporary peacekeeping.

Britain and the Cyprus Crisis of 1974: Conflict, Colonialism and the Politics of Remembrance in Greek Cypriot Society (Routledge Studies in Modern European History)

This book examines the ideological and socio-political discourses shaping the remembrance and representation of Britain and the Cyprus conflict of 1974 within Greek Cypriot society. By combining the official with the popular and drawing on an extensive range of oral history interviews, this monograph shows that a suspicion born out of Britain’s long (neo-)colonial connection to Cyprus has come to frame the image and understanding of British actions associated with the events, and lasting consequences, of 1974. Indeed, with the island of Cyprus still divided, and the requirement to remember a national imperative, this book has a direct contemporary relevance. However, within the existent literature, while much has been written about the political roots of the Cyprus conflict, no study has yet sought to systematically analyse and understand the influences shaping the history and memory of British actions on Cyprus in 1974. One defined by the existence of 'partitionist' conspiracies, collusive accusations and a series of memory distortions which continue to resonate strongly irrespective of the evidence that is now available. As such, by analysing the influences shaping the image of Britain in 1974, one can begin to understand in ever greater detail the Anglo–Greek Cypriot relationship in a modern context.

Britain and the Cyprus Crisis of 1974: Conflict, Colonialism and the Politics of Remembrance in Greek Cypriot Society (Routledge Studies in Modern European History)

This book examines the ideological and socio-political discourses shaping the remembrance and representation of Britain and the Cyprus conflict of 1974 within Greek Cypriot society. By combining the official with the popular and drawing on an extensive range of oral history interviews, this monograph shows that a suspicion born out of Britain’s long (neo-)colonial connection to Cyprus has come to frame the image and understanding of British actions associated with the events, and lasting consequences, of 1974. Indeed, with the island of Cyprus still divided, and the requirement to remember a national imperative, this book has a direct contemporary relevance. However, within the existent literature, while much has been written about the political roots of the Cyprus conflict, no study has yet sought to systematically analyse and understand the influences shaping the history and memory of British actions on Cyprus in 1974. One defined by the existence of 'partitionist' conspiracies, collusive accusations and a series of memory distortions which continue to resonate strongly irrespective of the evidence that is now available. As such, by analysing the influences shaping the image of Britain in 1974, one can begin to understand in ever greater detail the Anglo–Greek Cypriot relationship in a modern context.